A significant fact that the group noticed this time around was that Kashmiris across the board thought that communal hatred had gone very deep. “Today we have come to a stage where a Hindu will support a Hindu and Muslim will support a Muslim. This way of thinking is gaining ground in India as well as in J&K,” a business leader claimed. 

There is also an expectation of restoration of statehood, but no surety on timing, amid doubts on whether the scheduling of elections in J&K would be before or after such restoration. If elections are held to a Union Territory Assembly, then parties would weigh options on levels of participation, although boycott of elections is not planned. 

The Kashmiri journalists felt that they had been left alone to fend for themselves by the national media organisations. While the response of international organisations like the International Federation of Journalists and Reporters Without Frontiers is prompt, there was lack of support from mainstream Indian journalists’ associations and organisations. “What they are doing to the Kashmir media today will come to visit journalists in the rest of India tomorrow. Kashmir is only a laboratory for testing how far the media can be controlled. They will perfect their techniques here and then use them in other parts of India as well,” a senior journalist warned.

As for Kashmiri Pandits, their local leadership had conveyed to our group during our visit in July, 2021 that given the continued deep anger in the Valley arising from nullification of Article 370, revocation of Article 35 A and the humiliating bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir on August 5, 2019 counter reaction in the form of a ‘big surprise’ could well ensue. On our visit this time, they expressed their deep sense of mounting insecurity emanating from The Kashmir Files. The recent attempted killing of a Pandit medical store owner in Shopian, and attacks on three non-locals in four days (after our group returned) appears to vindicate the fears of both communities.

“It was the effective use of Panchayati Raj Institutions and the power of grassroots democracy that led the movement to its logical end” says the book (p58), going on to describe how the unanimous resolutions of all 64 panchayats of the area helped persuade the military authorities not to press for renewal of lease. The unanimous demand of participants in the meeting, including the sarpanches, was that now that the local public had regained control of their land, they be entrusted with its development. They were particularly apprehensive of the opening of the property to outside investment and pleaded that the local government assist them to develop the area for the purpose. In 2017, an autonomous Tosamaidan Development Authority was indeed instituted by the government. But we were not shown any viable development plan and sarpanches complained that they were not given audience let alone consulted by the local Deputy Commissioner